DEVELOP THE ANTI-FASCIST STRUGGLE AGAINST
THE MELONI GOVERNMENT, BUILD THE POPULAR DEMOCRATIC FRONT AND THE MARXIST-LENINIST-MAOIST PARTY.
On October 25 some students protesting in Rome against a conference organized by the fascist youth group Azione Universitaria. They were brutally assaulted by the police. In response to these facts, the students of La Sapienza occupied the University of the Department of Political Science.
On October 31st, the Decree-law was published, including the so-called anti-rave norm that enshrine a new piece of special legislation aimed at suppressing demonstrations and opposition initiatives.
In this framework, new decisions and norms are emerging against the right to abortion, immigration, the “income of citizenship”, the right to health and life in particular of the “fragile” and “ultra-fragile” groups of workers and citizens (see Meloni’s denial of the continuing pandemic).
The Meloni government as we have repeatedly said and denounced in opposition to a widespread, general and dangerous opinion, is a government of rupture of continuity, a government that is working and will increasingly want to work to accelerate the fascistization and corporativization of the State in an attempt to self-crystallize in regime (through the presidentialism, new reactionary and liberticide laws, etc.).
The students of the Manzoni High School in Milan have embarked on an occupation after the results of last month’s election. Those of La Sapienza occupied the university immediately after the beatings. From the issue of abortion, to immigration, to the cost of living, to military spending, to living and working conditions, the awareness of the need to take the field is manifesting itself in the country, against a government at the service of big capital of fascism and the inter-imperialist war.
First of all today in Italy it is necessary to develop the mobilization until reaching, in the current conditions, the formation of a large movement of anti-fascist struggle capable of driving out the government in office on the model of the fight against the Tambroni government of spring-summer 1960. It is necessary to follow this line by assuming from now on the prospect of the formation of a popular front and a popular front government for the organization of a new Partisan Resistance for a New Popular Democratic State on the path of Socialism.
These tasks cannot be fulfilled without resuming and carrying on in the present conditions the Way of Antonio Gramsci, without arriving at the construction of a new communist party that today requires Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as a theoretical and ideological guide.
The revisionism of Togliatti has pushed back the anti-fascist resistance, interrupting the popular revolution and allowing a large part of the old monarchist and fascist apparatuses to maintain, in the shadow of US imperialism and with the support of the Vatican, control of the country. In a similar way, he interrupted Gramsci’s Way and laid the foundations for a situation that, after 70-80 years, continues to see in our country the absence of an actual communist party.
Today in our country the populist left-wing electoral parties more or less “rosso-bruni” (but Rizzo’s Party is only the most obvious case) mock the opposition to the current fascist government, calling fascism an “imaginary danger” and continuing to define the same government Meloni as a “government of the bosses” like everyone else.
These parties are not particularly different from the various Trozkist, Bordighist, Workerist (operaisti) and Economist groups which, while affirming the need for struggle and opposition to the current government, are careful not to recognize that the Meloni government is a government that works to affirm and make irreversible an institutional break. These groups are robbing the struggle against the fascistization and corporativization of the State of a simple “struggle against repression” or, with a confused and eclectic terminology, the “fight against modern fascism”.
These theses are based on a flat and reformist idea of the development of the crisis of imperialism and see the transition between one government and another as a simple alternation. To govern capitalism would be “always the same”, “always the masters”, “always capital”. This denies the deepening of the crisis of imperialism, the accentuation of contradictions, the most important and current political task, that of preparing the popular revolution and the construction of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist party. These conceptions which present themselves as Marxists, revolutionaries, internationalists, etc. are in reality syndicalists, economists, movimentists. We do not see how the great bourgeoisie, in the increasing decline of the stage of imperialism, must instead resort to continuous reactionary qualitative leaps in order to prevent the situation from getting out of hand. In this way the tendency to fascism, the state corporativization, the economic offensive against the popular masses, the inter-imperialist war, are deepening more and more.
This is what ultimately has really determined and imposed the crisis and the overcoming of the Draghi government, which has substantially sanctioned the filing of the policy of the “Grand Coalition” and the launch of a political government. A government legitimized by a majority guaranteed by an electoral scam law expression of the fascistization of the state and the dissolution of the same liberal and constitutional formal systems. A government, the one established in the present life of the country, to carry out more effectively all that series of strategic guidelines that a heterogeneous majority like that of Draghi could no longer guarantee. Hence the dangerous spiral dynamic between a neo-fascist force in government, an increasingly high degree of fascistization of the state apparatus, an increasingly high restriction of the spaces of democracy and an inter-conflict-imperialist that threatens to spread to other theaters. All these facts demonstrate in an irrefutable way that the tendency to fascism is an objective tendency that arises on the ground of the decomposition of bourgeois liberal democracy, The strengthening of state monopolistic capitalism and the merging of banks and capitalists into increasingly large and centralised monopolies.
This leads to shifting the field of real decisions from the level of parliamentary dialectics and trade union conflict to that of the economic, political and military centres of State monopolistic Capitalism, Public and Private and the large Corporations set up under their control. Powers are increasingly concentrated on the executive and the parliament is reduced to a mere paper pusher. In this sense, the Republican Constitution and liberal democracy are now a farce.
It is necessary not only to build a front for democracy and popular revolution, but first of all it is necessary to assume the fact that without an actual party it is not actually possible to go in this direction. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism must be taken as the ideological basis for the construction of such a party. It is a theory that, among other things, has effectively synthesized the great anti-fascist experiences of the VII Congress of the Communist International and the world anti-fascist front led by the Soviet Union and Mao’s China, The experience of resistance against Nazi-Fascism and, in many European countries, the consequent construction of popular democracies, the experience of the Great Chinese Revolution. Only this theory can give in our country an effective foundation and perspective to the anti-fascist struggle and to that against the inter-imperialist war.
On the basis of this theory it is necessary to work in two directions: 1) the construction of political subjectivity, of the party which, actually founded on this theory, is capable of producing comprehensive cadres capable of playing a leading role in dealing with growing sectors of the proletariat and the masses; 2) the construction of an anti-fascist popular front bringing together the most revolutionary elements, anti-capitalists, democrats and anti-fascists of the popular classes and workers in the perspective of popular revolution. These tasks cannot be postponed, but rather become more urgent as the war, the cost of living and the economic crisis make their effects felt in the political system. The organizations that oppose the anti-fascist struggle and that refer to the conceptions of reformism, populism, the “leftist” Rosso-brunismo and economism ultimately favor, voluntarily or not, the advance of fascism. The reformist conceptions of the struggle for the safeguard of a supposed bourgeois democracy must be opposed by the prospect of a revolutionary struggle for a popular-democratic government, a struggle that effectively breaks with big capital and imperialism.
The struggle between the two lines for the unity of the communists on the basis of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism must be opposed to the spontaneous and movimentist conceptions that deny the necessity of the party and for the formation of a party leadership centre and a revolutionary class block under the hegemony of the proletariat.