Proletari Comunisti-PCM together with the Communist Workers Union (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) Colombia and the Construction Committee of the Maoist Communist Party of Galicia launched a proposal for a joint declaration[1] entitled “Develop the revolutionary struggle against the imperialist war preparations”. In the current state, two other groups have joined the proposal, the Communist Party (Maoist) – Afghanistan and Red Road (Maoist group) – Iran. The promoters also announced shortly the release of an international magazine “Struggle between the two lines”[2]

The above-mentioned international declaration must therefore be read in the context of a qualitative leap in the work for the creation of a fractional international Marxist-Leninist-Maoist movement that, after the end of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement [RIM], proposes itself as a centre for the formation of a new international organization of Marxist-Leninist-Maoists.

It is therefore of particular interest and importance that Italian Maoists who do not share the positions of Proletari Comunisti-PCM give an assessment of this declaration.

The declaration aims to address the advanced sectors of the proletariat, the popular masses and the oppressed peoples of the world. It starts by arguing that imperialist countries are the main terrorists. It then summarises some of the features of the current phase, emphasizing the ongoing clash between the imperialist powers for a new division of the world.

Here follows the statement: “A new division that can only be realized with the economic, financial, and military strength of the world war between some imperialist countries rolling towards decline and others fighting for world hegemony, as a result of the inexorable economic law of the unequal development of the imperialist countries”.

The declaration continues by declaring that “the very economic and social causes that drive the imperialists to wars of robbery, become inviolable material conditions, unbearable for the slaves of capital, material conditions for the rebellion of the proletarians, of the peoples, of nations and countries exploited and oppressed by monopolies and imperialist countries”.

Ultimately, declaring that the “International Communist Movement” must: 1) “bring them revolutionary consciousness, organize and transform rebellions into revolutionary struggle”, 2) give an example of internationalist unity and struggle against the preparations for a new imperialist world carnage; 3) unite and coordinate efforts to promote in all countries the revolutionary struggle of proletarian armies against the mobilization of troops and weapons for reactionary wars; 4) make common cause with all revolutionaries and democratic sectors opposed to support and commitment… ; 5) reject and denounce as traitors the opportunist satraps… who support one of the imperialist factions… 6) incessantly support the revolutionary struggle led by authentic Marxist-Leninist-Maoist communists, mainly the people’s war in India…”.

The Italian comrades can see that, apart from the final point (n.6), everything else has already been said and repeated countless times, in a more articulate and reasoned way, by a significant grouping of forces that today is, in a sense, hegemon in the revolutionary left of our country. A deployment that unites relevant unions such as SI Cobas, well-equipped organizations of the Bordighist and “internationalist” left, nurtured youth communist organizations such as the FdGC and FC, and well-known social centers such as Vittoria. This group recently held a participatory international conference in Rome and is beginning to mature a party project.

From this point of view, it is an international declaration that takes up practically 99% of the positions of a political and social camp that can count on the support and participation of thousands of activists and that, notoriously, is strongly anti-Maoist.

This should sound very strange and encourage reflection. If even the so-called Maoists say the same things as the Bordighists, then the Bordighists are right. In fact, the Bordighists are wrong and the promoters of this declaration are wrong.

The Bordighists are wrong because it is part of their approach to make a type of propaganda that combines reformism, syndicalism and movimentism with the slogans and phrases that sound “internationalists” and “revolutionaries”.

The promoters of this declaration are wrong because they identify the positions that should be of the Maoists with those of the anti-maoists.

It seems, reading this declaration, that the Maoists have nothing to say different from the others, apart from reiterating that we must support the revolutionary struggles and people’s wars directed by the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties. Clearly that is not the case.

What’s the problem today? That of launching revolutionary proclamations to all the proletarians of the world or that of building Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties? And how can you build these parties, if you say the same things as the irreducible enemies of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism?

Today what is needed is to put Maoism at the centre as a guiding theory for the proletarian revolution. Today in a country like ours it is necessary to explain to the advanced proletarians, the more conscious ones, what the Maoists differ in, why they are different, what they want to do differently, how they want to do it differently from others.

The essential is missing from this declaration. It doesn’t mention the terminal crisis of imperialism, it does not emphasize that today we can no longer speak of “bourgeois democracy”, but that instead is necessary to speak of an increasingly corporative bourgeois state and therefore also increasingly fascist. It does not mention that the “inter-imperialist war” inevitably involves the fascistization of the imperialist states. The fight against war is not linked to the struggle against fascism, nor is it linked to the question of building new kind of communist parties. There is no attempt at all to actualize in political and programmatic terms Lenin’s great slogan of the transformation of imperialist war into civil war. Moreover, it gives a completely wrong picture of the possible evolution of World War III. It is repeated the clichés about the atomic war that can lead to the disappearance of life on earth, Ignoring the thesis of Mao that he was not impressed by the possibility of a war with the use of nuclear weapons threatened by the American imperialists so as to define these last as “paper tigers”. There is not even a minimum of analysis of the balance of power between the imperialist powers and it is allowed to pass, in the name of the theory of unequal development, the wrong and apologist idea that the world war can see an imperialist power emerge among others and re-establish an effective new world order under its rule. We wonder, where would this emerging power be? Who today is able to win the imperialist war and bring out the imperialism of its terminal general crisis ?

We do not consider it useful that this fraction of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist movement, which has never really broken with the positions that historically opposed the Third International, Stalin and the glorious 7th Congress of the Communist International, present itself as a center for the construction of a new international organization. This would not be a better version of the RIM, but rather a re-proposal in new forms of an opportunist central “left” on the model of that of Avakian. Of a road, that is, that has given all that it could give and that today cannot be thought to retrace.






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